Diving Deep into International Aid: The Marawi Siege Case
This academic essay was written for a school paper assignment in grad school.
On the afternoon of May 23, 2017, I was on my way
to the university to polish my research paper on the effect of armed conflict
on mental health. Little did I know that I will witness my research topic among
real people on the very next day. True enough, armed violence has a serious
effect on people’s mental health. Studying in Iligan City which is just an hour
away from Marawi City, I observed first-hand how the Marawi siege caused
significant psychological distress. But that is just one of the long list of the
adverse impact of the siege. I have also witnessed the destruction of properties,
the displacement of hundreds of families, the grievance of people over their
lost loved one, among others that still haunt thousands of people even up to
this day. It was truly a dreadful occurrence that wailed for all forms of help
from the national government and the international community.
Aiding Marawi
Like
in any humanitarian crisis, abundant supports poured in. The Philippine
national government has taken the lead to manage the post-siege plans as
foreign donors pledged various aids. Billions of dollars from other countries
were committed to helping Marawi and its people to get back up. In emergencies
like this, one cannot help but appreciate how interdependent this world is. It
was praiseworthy how other states were willing to shell out money to help out
strangers. The strong ones were willing to reach out to those in need because
of shared humanity. What ushered this altruistic behavior is the recognition of
the salience of liberalism. This ever-present school of thought guides the
globe to foster cooperation and independence. Ikenberry and Deudney supported
this claim by arguing that liberalism is committed to the improvement of human
condition thru cooperative and interdependent relationship.
One
of the basic pillars of liberalism is manifested in international humanitarian
aids that provide assistance to people in dire need of relief. Among these group
are the homeless, war refugees, victims of disasters and other
calamity-stricken persons. The aftermath of Marawi Siege had clearly met the
qualifications for humanitarian aid. Hence, it is no surprise that different
forms of assistance were offered by the international community. With the
limited resources and capacity of the Philippine government, the international
mobilization to support the rehabilitation of Marawi has indeed made a
remarkable difference. Among the nations with massive contributions are
Australia, Japan, Thailand, China, the European Union, and the United States.
All of them shared something that was of great value to the siege response.
Notably,
the US forces had a special role in providing technical assistance to end the
siege. Military personnel was deployed to back up the Philippine Army. Although
they were not directly engaged in the fighting, their technical support was
instrumental in liberating some towns in Marawi. The advanced military
technology of the US allowed for more convenient surveillance and targeting
operation. Intelligence and reconnaissance services were also requested by the
Philippine government. For instance, the P3 Orion surveillance plane was
reported to assist the elimination of some extremist. Australia contributed also
to supporting the military troops. China, on one hand, gave money intended for
the medical recovery of the injured soldiers.
The
much-needed humanitarian supports were also provided by different groups.
Noteworthy among the donors were the ASEAN community that made the transport of
goods efficient and convenient. The presence of neighbors (i.e. Thailand,
Malaysia, and Thailand) was useful in deploying humanitarian non-combat
operations. Israel and South Korea also donated humanitarian supplies. Belgium
and the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization gave funding
assistance to farmers in Marawi City. Rice seeds, bags of fertilizers, and
assorted vegetable seeds were given.
The
United States was one of the largest foreign aid donors. Of primary importance
are its project on the improvement of water, sanitation, and hygiene activities
in Lanao del Sur. The US projects also focused on the restoration of access to
markets and enhancement of youth job skills and attainment of livelihood. Not
to mention, local and partner international CSOs and NGOs did their counterpart
in improving access to education, health, and shelter. These non-state donors
facilitated the logistics and provision of non-food items. It is worth
mentioning that the United Nation extended aid packages such as the central
emergency response fund for life-saving interventions for displaced people. The
collective call of the UN for more support has also expedited the response and
rebuilding process.
In
the process of rehabilitation, the Japanese government committed to assisting
the recovery. In fact, brand-new heavy equipment was turned over for usage. As
part of the Philippine-Japan Economic and Social Development Program,
construction machinery was granted. Japan’s Asian Development Bank has provided
a large sum of money to reinforce the reconstruction phase. In addition, the
United States Agency for International and Development (USAID) promised to
support boost food security during the rehabilitation. The United States
Embassy has continued providing capacity-building programs that fully engaged
the locals.
This
cooperative and connected dynamics of states to help another in need strongly
vouch for the legitimacy of liberalism. Undeniably, this international
mobilization to respond to the siege has made progress efficient and effective.
These aids assured the quality of life of those displaced. Although we can agree
that the international humanitarian aid made a significant difference, we also
have to mention the challenges that pose a threat to the optimum outcome of the
response and rehabilitation operation.
Facing Hurdles
The
implementation of the response and rehabilitation programs did not sail
smoothly as expected. One of the major obstacles was the management of aids.
Bangon Marawi was the supposed central coordinating body to distribute and
allocate the resources. However, the gap in their management was utterly wide.
This has caused confusion and conflict among the IDPs. Some of the resources
were also wasted because of flawed planning.
Another
challenge was on the alleged insensitivity of some interventions. Considering
that Marawi is a predominantly Muslim community, there was a report of
culturally inappropriate activities during some good-intentioned interventions.
Take one group of donors that shared some goods with bibles, for example. This
kind of small mistakes has an important implication on the trust of the locals.
Most of the time, these wrong interventions were conducted by international
groups that do not have knowledge of the local cultural practices. This is
serious as good intentions could have caused disservice because of lack of
cultural competence which is a required skill for every successful humanitarian
intervention.
Some
interventions had issues on duration. It was rampant how different donors would
come and implement “one time, one big shot” activities without follow-ups.
Similar to other cases of a humanitarian crisis in other countries, some
international groups have no clear sustainability plans. The thinking is not concerned
about the long-term well-being of those affected by the crisis. This kind of
short-term ventures has adverse consequences for other groups that would like
to help genuinely. Worst case, some organizations would leave empty promises.
Case in point was one international organization that conducted health
assessments in one settlement area. The staff promised facilities and medicine
endowments but it never arrived. That group from a well-known organization
never came back. This left the community with a generalized distrustful feeling
towards other organizations, regardless of their intention.
The whims of President Duterte had likewise
triggered tension against the European Union. It can be remembered that the
incumbent president refused the donor aid of the EU due to the perception of
the aid as conditional. Obviously, Duterte’s stubborn refusal was an act
signifying his disagreement on EU’s criticism against the war on drugs
campaign. This political dynamic clearly impacts the sound flow of support.
Lastly,
there were questions raised on the reactivity of the international community in
addressing extremism-related security issues. The case of Marawi is an obvious
example where interventions are reactive and responsive, not really addressing
the root cause of extremism. Some critics argue that without any concrete plans
to identify the core of the issue, the cycle would just continue to unfold.
These
challenges had impeded the positive rehabilitation of Marawi. Even up to this
day, some obstacles still persist which affected the lives of real individuals.
Some of these challenges were resolved; while new hurdles emerge. Nonetheless,
the benefits of international aids outshine these minimal drawbacks.
Undermining the power of international aids would be unfair to the donors and
the local people working hard to serve the survivors. It is important, however,
that lessons are learned as everyone advances onward.
Moving Forward
The
rehabilitation of Marawi is still in process and there are many opportunities
to provide assistance. But Marawi is just one of the communities that need aid.
All over the world, displacement, refugees, and other humanitarian crisis are equally
prominent. Coming from the Marawi Siege case, major insights to improve
international aid have been gained.
First,
we learned that domestic structures and arrangements hinder the maximization of
help. From unsatisfactory management to one leaders’ unpredictability to
throwaway relief, these challenges slow down progress and even waste resources.
With this, international aid donors should consider domestic realities and
other options before distributing resources. As seen from the denial of EU’s aid,
it was commendable how the intergovernmental organization found ways to course
their help in other channels. Although it is understandable that Marawi Siege
called for urgent help, rigorous planning still matters. This means that making
sure that people have proper skills (e.g. management, troubleshooting,
leadership skills, etc.) before jumping to the water that is the tidal and
murky post-siege Marawi.
Second,
international humanitarian workers should have cultural competence before
serving. This implies that sensitivity and respect for local culture should
take precedence. It is a universal principle that maleficence should be avoided
while beneficence should be encouraged. In other words, doing no harm is a
priority while maximizing benefits. This is only possible when workers know how
to deal effectively with affected locals.
Moreover,
international organizations should shift from reactive behavior to a proactive
one. This means that there should be an emphasis on the prevention of the
proliferation of extremism. In fairness, some activities and programs sponsored
by international organizations have started prevention efforts. But with the
magnitude and volatility of non-state threats, collective efforts should be
pooled in to match and suppress ill-intentioned elements that endanger
humanity. As Keohane and Nye contended, the world is closely linked with one
another regardless of religious or political background. This complex
interdependence encompasses such universal and common extremist threats that
call for a united feat.
Irrefutably,
the Marawi Siege has brought considerable dread and demise. But it has also
opened up an opportunity for people (local and foreign) to come and work
together. The active presence of international humanitarian aid is proof of how
liberalism continues to shape this world. Liberalism promotes and preserves the
welfare and dignity of individuals as witnessed in the efforts to help the
survivor of the siege to get back up and piece back together their shattered
dreams. Despite the largescale aid that supported families and communities,
challenges also threatened to block progress. As we are moving forward, it is
vital that we step back and let our mistakes guide us to do better next time;
to make sure that May 23, 2017 will never repeat itself.
*This essay was submitted as a requirement for POS 190 (International Relations).
*Still on the process of editing to avoid plagiarism. References are listed in the original file.
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