Mindanao Conflict: Prospects and Challenges to Peace

This academic essay was written for a school paper assignment in grad school. 

Revisiting the Mindanao Conflict

Mindanao conflict is one of the world’s longest-running conflict (Federspiel, 2007). Fought between the minority Muslim armed rebels—Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)—against the Armed Forces of the Philippines, it is a protracted battle over issues of territory and self-determination by the rebels which the Philippine government considers to be a threat to state sovereignty. At the core interest of MILF is the autonomy to govern areas in Mindanao with a significant Muslim population. The desire for political power stems from deep-rooted sentiments because of oppression and relative deprivation by the Philippine government which was led by elites. As a result, the relationship became more adversarial with the clear widening of the power gap between the minority Muslim and the controversial elites in position. The resistance for the autonomy of Muslim communities was tagged by the government as a security threat and even terrorism. Consequently, this was dealt using military power to prevent escalation. The infectivity of this approach was apparent as further complications intensified. Among the parties, feelings of hatred, fear, and anger have subsequently developed. The feeling of threat and insecurity are also existent. The diverse culture and religion of the local people amplified the salience of differences. This led to the aggressive and hostile behavior against each group which added another layer of complexity as religions were used to justify acts of terrorism. Each party has interests that narrowed their vision of the situation. The urgency and salience of their needs and interests got the best of them. True enough, nobody woke up thinking they were the bad entity.

History is a major contextual factor in understanding the problem. Mindanao conflict traces its deep historical roots back to the colonial era where the dynamics of exploitation and resistance are both pertinent features of the 16th century. Although the Moros had maintained their cultural and political distinctiveness, the fighting triggered a long-lasting tension and a deep-seated mutual mistrust over time. The conflict had become more complicated as new actors and new issues had risen over the past decades. Significant events, both positive and negative, had transpired that guided the direction of the conflict and resolution. Most noteworthy of these events were the interventions between the involved parties that shed new light of hope for peace. In 1996, after prolonged negotiations and 26 years of violence that took over 120, 000 lives (Heydarian, 2015), the government of the Philippines signed a Final Peace Agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the foundation of Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), a semi-autonomous territory within the structure of national sovereignty. However, the ARMM failed to end the conflicts in the region, which continued throughout the remainder of the 1990s and the 2000s. At the same time, a number of breakaway factions with profound criticism on the implementation of the agreement instigated aggressive measures. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which separated from the MNLF in 1981, repudiated the 1996 agreement in favor of a push for full Bangsamoro independence (South & Joll, 2016). Since 1997, the MILF engaged in separate peace talks with the government. After 32 rounds of negotiations, the MILF and Government of the Philippines (GPH) signed the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) on October 2012 which was followed by the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro which was signed on March 2014 (Sabillo, 2014).

Having faced numerous setbacks, the negotiation continued with the passing and approval of the Bangsamoro Basic Law in May 2018 (Elemia, 2018). The current Philippine president, President Rodrigo R. Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law on July 2018. The law replaced the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao with the new Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) with the promise of greater fiscal autonomy, a regional government, parliament, and justice system (Marcelo, 2018). The success of the peaceful resolution has led to the relatively harmonious condition of central Mindanao today. Notably, the normalization and turnover of power were important milestones. However, the implementation of the agreed provisions is still under transition. As the authorities of Bangsamoro Transition Authority prepare for the actual implementation of BARMM in 2022, obstacles have posed some challenges to the progress. First, the transition period has caused slight restlessness among the people as they wait for the change. Questions on the legitimacy of the appointed members have stirred controversies regarding their capacity to implement the promised reforms. Second, the issue regarding non-Muslim communities in Mindanao can turn the peaceful tide. Diversity is a double-edged sword that can define the outcome of the peace process. Lastly, the insecure condition in Mindanao is reinforced by the emerging number of splinter terrorist groups. The past years had witnessed their sprout in various provinces in Muslim Mindanao. Their breeding grounds had also extended in non-traditional platforms. Despite the successful resolution efforts that have attenuated political violence in the conflict between the state and the MILF, the protracted nature of Mindanao conflict is far from resolved with the new “Islamic groups” (e.g. Abu Sayyaf Group, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, Jemaah Islamiyah, and other IS-inspired rebel groups). Nonetheless, the relentless effort of the government and local communities in Mindanao to pave a way for inclusivity and understanding sparks hope for genuine peace.

 

Envisioning Peace in Mindanao

         The classic notion of peace as the absence of war is applicable in the context of Mindanao. Growing up with experiences of countless violent battles, I believe that peace is the immediate ceasefire on both warring parties. The destruction of properties and lives brought about by the war had largely exerted influence on this definition. It makes sense that people affected by war would desire to live under a safe roof without any threat of gunfire or bombs falling in the middle of the night. From a local’s perspective, peace is primarily the termination of war—feeling secure and safe without worrying for one’s life or displacement.

        

         As a minority, I believe that peace is the development of our marginal communities in Mindanao. This implies that people have equal opportunities to realize their full potential. In other words, people have jobs that pay fairly for their sustenance. Opportunities for enterprise and local business are supported by national and local structures with mechanisms that make it easier to grow. This idea of development assumes that public goods and services are provided where minorities have friendly access. Basic health care is assured; education for young people takes priority, and other social services are made available by competent leaders. Peace for Mindanao is fair and equal inclusion of minorities to platforms where they can go beyond their usual expectation and actively pursue their dreams for themselves and their communities.

         The diversity of people on the island had caused some intergroup animosity in the past. Hence, peace is the harmony of people inhabiting Mindanao, regardless of their religion, culture, and class. Peace is not just tolerance of each other’s presence but most importantly, the celebration of differences: where I (a Muslim) and my non-Muslim friends (Christians and indigenous people) can all rejoice Ramadhan, Christmas, and indigenous events. In this ideal world of harmony, Mindanaons are united. The positive similarities are amplified to bridge their relationship with each other. People respect each other’s stories and backgrounds. When others are in need, their neighbors would gladly share and help. These peace and unity are actively pursued by the people; they continue to find ways to sustain and improve this good-natured relationship.

         With the progressive nature of peaceful resolution in Mindanao, I am happy that the abovementioned visions for peace have gradually materialized. Since the signing of the Bangsamoro Organic Law, the rate of violence has significantly declined (Mercado, 2019). As reported by International Alert Philippines, the conflict incidence in 2018 decreased to 2 910 cases compared to 4 140 violence reported in 2017. Incidents associated with Philippine military and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and Moro National Liberation Front have followed a similar decreasing pattern. This was preceded by the successful decommissioning program of 12 000 former combatants where they gradually surrendered their weapons last June 2019 (Parrocha, 2019). This milestone is a key component of the normalization and transition process which signaled safe communities.

         Related to decommissioning is the transition of former soldiers into civilian life with programs that will expand their opportunities. Cabinet Secretary Karlo Nograles assured that public services and goods will be granted to the people. These include improvements in housing, livelihood assistance, skills development training, scholarships, employment opportunities, health care, among others. As the implementation is still under transition, appointed agencies are working to further develop the people and their communities. External investment opportunities are expected to flock in the area. The subsidy of the national government is expected to build more infrastructures.

         In addition, the relationship of the people in Mindanao had strengthened these past few years. However, a lot of efforts still need to be done to sustain these initial successes. The need for community engagement and consultation will play a key role in ensuring that the needs of the people are addressed. The government has to keep their promises and continue to monitor the activities of the assigned officials during the transition period.

 

Facing and Overcoming Challenges to Peace

         Despite the optimistic climate surrounding the negotiation between the government and MILF, the process has faced a number of serious setbacks along the way. Of noteworthy of these setbacks were the crises brought about by (un)expected clashes between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and breakaway rebel/terrorist groups. These incidents had caused mass destruction and unimaginable impact on the sense of security of the people. Subsequently, the intention of the peace process was undermined due to the broken trust among the stakeholders. Among these obstacles, three major ones had a significant impact on the process—SAF 44 Incident, rido, and shadow economies. While in the transition period, it is expected that there will be several challenges in terms of the overall implementation.

 

SAF 44, Rido, and Shadow Economies

         The death of 44 members of the elite Special Action Force (SAF) of the Philippine National Police by some members of the MILF in January 2015 hindered the peace process (Fonbuena, Cupin, & Gloria, 2015). It became a central issue due to the alleged joint effort of the breakaway group BIFF and MILF in carrying out the violence that brutally killed the SAF members. As a result, there was a call for justice from the general public, especially the family of the slain military personnel, and some legislators. However, the MILF group refused to surrender the involved members and even requested for justice for their own assassinated jihadis. This controversy had caused negative sentiment among the general Filipino public to question the peace process and the integrity of MILF members. SAF 44 Incident posed a great challenge as the process was delayed due to the withdrawal of support by some legislators. Arguably, this had been the most serious political hurdle related to the peace process for the previous administration by Aquino. Although the pressure to investigate and punish the responsible individuals and groups were strong, both parties emphasized their commitment to achieving a peaceful goal with peaceful means. Both negotiating groups justified the uncoordinated operation between the AFP and MILF which led to the unfortunate operation of SAF. Moving forward, a joint counterterrorism operation was conducted against the perceived spoilers of peace: Abu Sayyaf Group and BIFF.

Another provoking factor is the widespread lack of confidence in the MILF to uphold security. With a handful of frustrated groups, it is likely that these armed groups will continue using violence. Over the course of the negotiation, deep divisions within the Moro community grew bigger. For instance, the presence and activity of BIFF still persist. The threat of Jemaah Islamiyah and other IS-inspired groups in Mindanao lingers. Enduring armed encounters in certain communities still occur. Admittedly, it is next to impossible to satisfy all the actors in Mindanao, not to mention the looming threat of Moro National Liberation Front and Abu Sayyaf Group. Additionally, rido, shadow economies and other local sources of conflict largely cause violence. 

Loosely translated as clan feud, rido is the main source of violence in local communities (Adriano & Parks, 2013). This revenge-perpetuating violence that institutionalizes hatred and animosity disrupts political and community life (Macabuac-Ferolin & Constantino, 2014). Rido potentially brings another intricacy into the Mindanao conflict as it interacts with separatist and extremist movements (Torres, 2014). It is therefore imperative that local institutions put in place mechanisms to resolve rido. Fortifying the role of local leaders (e.g. religious, tribal) can address the diverging interests of clans involved. Addressing rido necessitates a profound knowledge of inter-elite and inter-communal competition. On the other hand, shadow economies can play an impeding role because “they embody a significant amount of economic and political capital for local strongmen, armed insurgents, and powerful clans” (International Alert, 2014). Included in this hidden economy are illicit drug economy, illicit weapons, and informal land markets, cross-border trade, informal credit provision, and kidnapping for ransom (International Alert, 2014). The incentive from this industry can contradict the development of accountable institutions in Bangsamoro. Hence, as International Alert (2014) suggested, shadow economies must be integrated into the sub-national state-building and peace-building projects of Bangsamoro.

 

Potential Challenges to Implementation

         As Muslim Mindanao moves forward to fulfill the promises of a better future, the journey is anticipated to encounter challenging phases. Of these, smooth implementation will take the front seat as the greatest challenge (South & Joll, 2016). Transforming armed resistance into an effective government seems nonviable as per critiques. Unfortunately, it is no secret that some people in power are unsatisfied of the idea of autonomous and expanded Bangsamoro. This resistance is manifested in the prevalent dearth of confidence in the process and the parties (Adriano & Parks, 2013). This lack of confidence is mutual with MILF’s distrust of the Philippine government in granting fully exercise of autonomy over their desired territory. This gap in the trust is taken advantage of spoilers who are prepared to resort to all options to ensure the failure of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Relatedly, the usual counternarrative to Bangsamoro is probable for inefficiency and corruption as seen in the previous government of Muslim leaders (as if these are inherited). This is also highly associated with the management of rich natural resources in Mindanao. Both the scarcity and abundance of resources can trigger disputes with greedy and incompetent leaders. How can people maximize the benefits from these resources if leaders have poor management and leadership skills? These narratives are powerful as they can lead to self-fulfilling bias and materialize in actions. Hence, it is important to shift the narrative and amplify ones with hope and support. Confidence building in the transition from conflict to peace is important for both parties. The role of media in framing issues has an important role. What will be presented to the general public can generate responses that will make or break the future of Bangsamoro. In addition, spoilers should be dealt with accordingly and peacefully. It is evident that these individuals feel threatened by the prospect of a bigger Muslim Mindanao with additional power. These fears should be understood and responded with facts and assurances.

         Another issue that might rock the tranquil boat is the reaction of non-Muslim communities in Mindanao, namely the majority Christians and minority Lumads (Indigenous People). With the uncertainty and ambiguity regarding the positions of these groups, the inclusive values of Bangsamoro are put at stake. Particularly for Indigenous People, the perceived disparities in social power and ancestral domain are substantial sources of fear and potential dispute. Scholars and locals worry and ask: How will these groups be integrated into Bangsamoro? Will their rights be respected? Will equality and fairness among them be assured? These are important questions since the provision on the practice of Shari’a Law is included in the law. Women and LGBTQ+ worry that Shari’a will have negative implications on them. The dominance of Islam in this part of Mindanao raises concern on gender disparity. These sentiments are acknowledged by the leaders who drafted the Bangsamoro Organic Law. As illustrated in the document, BARMM will not be exclusive to Muslims. During the conception of the law, the rights and privileges of non-Muslims were taken into consideration. They will be represented in the decision-making of the future Bangsamoro parliament. On the issue of Shari’a, it was stressed that it will only be applicable to Muslims and the civil law will still be respected. Clearly, the key here is on further informing the public about the scope, limitations, and general content of the Bangsamoro Organic Law.

         In response to these potential challenges, a mechanism has been put in place to allow for inclusive growth and effective delivery of basic services. The plan for reconstruction, rehabilitation, and development took priority with the help of international bodies that also stepped in to provide mediation since the commencement of the peace process. Following the successful work of international monitoring teams, a series of training of selected Muslim leaders from Mindanao have been ongoing. These capacity-building programs will capacitate these individuals to lead and manage effectively. The basic tenets of good governance on transparency and accountability were reinforced. Efforts have also been conducted to ensure sustainable livelihoods and/or income generation opportunities for residents of conflict areas (Adriano & Parks, 2013). So far, these interventions have proved to be impactful in empowering Muslim leaders. However, the need for effective communication has to be strengthened. There’s a need for more confidence-building among the stakeholders. With the volatile nature of local conflicts brought about by rido and shadow economies, proactive alliances, and coalitions locally and nationally are imperative (Adriano & Parks, 2013).

 

Moving Forward

         Indeed, the Mindanao conflict is one of the most complicated in Asia. Its highly complicated and multi-layered nature presents formidable challenges. Its historical context is colored by shades of oppression, resentment, and failures. Its prolonged battle for territory, autonomy, and self-determination took a toll on properties and the lives of many innocent civilians. Although the conflict resolution has reached fascinating milestones, hampering forces that take different faces to provoke the process of sustainable peace. The presence of armed groups in Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu, and Basilan are legit sources of insecurity. In turn, this further undermined development as the local community and political life was disturbed. Addressing this systematic complexity would require the empowerment and involvement of local leaders. However, this too has been targeted by critics due to the history of corruption and the ineffective delivery of basic public goods. Additionally, the differences in religion and culture could shake the harmony between people if not resolved proactively.

         The tedious journey the parties had to travel paid off to be fruitful. The series of talks lead to contemporary peace in Mindanao. Moving forward, the strengths and loopholes of Mindanao case present practical sources for lessons. “There is no road to peace; peace is the road.” Hence, lessons should serve as guiding principles in achieving peace. First, the open attitude of both parties steered the peace process. This openness was accompanied by the willingness to prioritize, and compromise self-serving interests. For instance, it is notable that the changes in the position and interests of both the Philippine government and MILF presented opportunities for agreement. Second, the role of the international community as mediators served a vital role. Specifically, neutral external third parties assured a good mix of representation that balanced objectivity and strong emotions regarding their strong interests. During the process, it can be remembered that the International Monitoring Team (IMT) assisted in the de-escalation efforts and deterrence of local violent incidents. Furthermore, the accommodation of international teams boosted legitimacy and political credibility among the parties. Undeniably, Mindanao conflict has been one of the most successful models for conflict resolution in Southeast Asia, according to some scholars and practitioners. The abovementioned lessons learned are viable suggestions for other countries. However, replicating this to other conflicts in the world should involve slight tweaking to make it more context-specific. Nevertheless, the values of openness, commitment, integrity, forgiveness, and engagement are worth modeling after as these universal values proved to be powerful in the case of Mindanao.

References

 

Adriano, F., & Parks, T. (2013). The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Conflict and International Development Assistance:; The Case of Mindanao, Philippines. San Francisco, CA: The Asia Foundation.

Elemia, C. (2018, July 26). Duterte Signs Bangsamoro Organic Law. Retrieved from Rappler: https://www.rappler.com/nation/207952-duterte-signs-bangsamoro-organic-law

Federspiel, H. M. (2007). Sultans, Shamans, and Saints: Islam and Muslims in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.

Fonbuena, C., Cupin, B., & Gloria, G. M. (2015, February 07). Timeline: Mamasapano Clash. Retrieved from Rappler: https://www.rappler.com/nation/82827-timeline-mamasapano-clash

Heydarian, R. J. (2015). The Quest for Peace: The Aquino Administration's Peace Negotiations with MILF and CPP-NPA-NDF. Norweigian Peacebuilding Resource Centre.

International Alert. (2014). Illicit Drugs and Peace: Challenges for the Bangsamoro Peace Process. Quezon City: International Alert.

Macabuac-Ferolin, M. C., & Constantino, N. V. (2014). Localizing Transformation: Addressing Clan Feuds in Mindanao through PCIA. Journal of Peacebuilding and Development, 10-25.

Marcelo, V. (2018, July 25). The Bangsamoro Organic Law: Everything You Need to Know. Retrieved from CNN Philippines: https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2018/07/24/bangsamoro-organic-law-primer-everything-you-need-to-know-bbl.html

Mercado, N. A. (2019, September 03). Retrieved from Inquirer.net: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1160363/report-violence-in-muslim-mindanao-declined-in-2018

Parrocha, A. (2019, July 28). Retrieved from Philippine News Agency: https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1076265

Sabillo, K. A. (2014, March 27). Bangsamoro Peace Pact Signed. Retrieved from Inquire.net: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/589568/bangsamoro-peace-pact-signed

South, A., & Joll, C. M. (2016). From Rebels to Rulers: The Challenges of Transition in Mindanao and Myanmar. Critical Asian Studies.

Torres, W. M. (2014). Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict Management in Mindanao. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.